Selected sayings of Arundhati Roy

December 22-23, 2013

‘To love. To be loved. To never forget your own insignificance. To never get used to the unspeakable violence and the vulgar disparity of life around you. To seek joy in the saddest places. To pursue beauty to its lair. To never simplify what is complicated or complicate what is simple. To respect strength, never power. Above all, to watch. To try and understand. To never look away. And never, never to forget.’

Arundhati Roy

‘Perhaps it's true that things can change in a day. That a few dozen hours can affect the outcome of whole lifetimes. And that when they do, those few dozen hours, like the salvaged remains of a burned house---the charred clock, the singed photograph, the scorched furniture---must be resurrected from the ruins and examined. Preserved. Accounted for. Little events, ordinary things, smashed and reconstituted. Imbued with new meaning. Suddenly they become the bleached bones of a story.’

Arundhati Roy The God of Small Things

‘The American way of life is not sustainable. It doesn’t acknowledge that there is a world beyond America. ‘

Arundhati Roy

‘Our strategy should be not only to confront empire, but to lay siege to it. To deprive it of oxygen. To shame it. To mock it. With our art, our music, our literature, our stubbornness, our joy, our brilliance, our sheer relentlessness – and our ability to tell our own stories. Stories that are different from the ones we’re being brainwashed to believe.

The corporate revolution will collapse if we refuse to buy what they are selling – their ideas, their version of history, their wars, their weapons, their notion of inevitability.

Remember this: We be many and they be few. They need us more than we need them.

Another world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing.’
Arundhati Roy War Talk

‘There is a war that makes us adore our conquerors and despise ourselves.’
Arundhati Roy The God of Small Things



‘Nationalism of one kind or another was the cause of most of the genocide of the twentieth century. Flags are bits of colored cloth that governments use first to shrink-wrap people's minds and then as ceremonial shrouds to bury the dead.’

Arundhati Roy War Talk



‘Colorful demonstrations and weekend marches are vital but alone are not powerful enough to stop wars. Wars will be stopped only when soldiers refuse to fight, when workers refuse to load weapons onto ships and aircraft, when people boycott the economic outposts of Empire that are strung across the globe.’

Arundhati Roy Public Power in the Age of Empire



‘Have we raised the threshold of horror so high that nothing short of a nuclear strike qualifies as a 'real' war? Are we to spend the rest of our lives in this state of high alert with guns pointed at each other's heads and fingers trembling on the trigger?’

Arundhati Roy

US Drone Attack Kills 15 En Route to Wedding

Group was reportedly mistaken for al Qaeda
Andrea Germanos, staff writer Common Dreams December 12, 2013

A U.S. drone strike killed 15 people on their way to a wedding on Thursday near the town of Radaa, Yemen, according to local officials.
’An air strike missed its target and hit a wedding car convoy, ten people were killed immediately and another five who were injured died after being admitted to the hospital,’ Reuters reports a security official as saying.
The group ‘was mistaken for an al Qaeda convoy,’ according to Reuters.
The Associated Press cites an unnamed official as saying that al Qaeda militants were suspected as traveling with the wedding party.
Five others were also reportedly wounded in the strike.
Thursday's strike marks the second U.S. drone attack this week on the impoverished country. Three days ago, the country's Hadramout province was the site of a strike that killed three people
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism estimates that confirmed U.S. drone strikes have killed 389 people in Yemen since 2004, including five children……..
Read more http://www.commondreams.org/headline/2013/12/12-5

Nelson Mandela quotes: 12 of his most famous statements:

1. On his opposition to apartheid:

‘During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.’
Statement at the opening of his defence in the Rivonia treason trial, April 20, 1964.

2. On his decision to take up arms against apartheid:

‘I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force. It was only when all else had failed, when all channels of peaceful protest had been barred to us, that the decision was made to embark on violent forms of political struggle.’
Statement at the opening of his defence in the Rivonia treason trial, April 20, 1964.

3. On South Africa attaining democracy:
‘We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom. We know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success. We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world. Let there be justice for all. Let there be peace for all Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all. Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world. Let freedom reign.’
Speech at his inauguration as South African president in Pretoria, May 10, 1994.

4. On racism:

‘Racism is a blight on the human conscience. The idea that any people can be inferior to another, to the point where those who consider themselves superior define and treat the rest as sub-human, denies the humanity even of those who elevate themselves to the status of gods.’
Address to the UK's Joint Houses of Parliament, July 11, 1996.

5. On apartheid rule:

‘We are extricating ourselves from a system that insulted our common humanity by dividing us from one another on the basis of race and setting us against each other as oppressed and oppressor. That system committed a crime against humanity.’
Speech in Pretoria upon receipt of a report from the Truth & Reconciliation Commission, which investigated apartheid-era atrocities, October 29, 1998.

6. On his government's achievements during his five years as president:

‘We have laid the foundation for a better life. Things that were unimaginable a few years ago have become everyday reality. I belong to the generation of leaders for whom the achievement of democracy was the defining challenge.’
Speech to parliament in Cape Town, March 26, 1999.

7. On his successor Thabo Mbeki's unorthodox views about AIDS:

‘In all disputes a point is arrived at where no party, no matter how right or wrong it might have been at the start of that dispute, will any longer be totally in the right or totally in the wrong. Such a point, I believe, has been reached in this debate. Let us not equivocate: a tragedy of unprecedented proportions is unfolding in Africa.’
Speech to the 13th International AIDS Conference in Durban, July 14, 2000.

8. On AIDS:

‘HIV/AIDS is the greatest danger we have faced for many, many centuries. HIV/AIDS is worse than a war. It is like a world war. Millions of people are dying from it.’
Statement issued in Johannesburg, December 1, 2000.

9. On his retirement from public life at the age of 85:

‘One of the things that made me long to be back in prison was that I had so little opportunity for reading, thinking and quiet reflection after my release. I intend, amongst other things, to give myself much more opportunity for such reading and reflection.’
Statement in Johannesburg, June 1, 2004.


10. On South Africa, a decade after the fall of apartheid:

‘Today we are a nation at peace with itself, united in our diversity, not only proclaiming but living out the contention that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. We take our place amongst the nations of the world, confident and proud in being an African country.’
Lecture in Cape Town, September 10, 2004.

11. On poverty:

‘Overcoming poverty is not a gesture of charity. It is an act of justice. It is the protection of a fundamental human right, the right to dignity and a decent life. While poverty persists, there is no true freedom.’
Speech delivered in Johannesburg, July 2, 2005.

12. On human solidarity:

‘As the years progress one increasingly realises the importance of friendship and human solidarity. And if a 90-year-old may offer some unsolicited advice on this occasion, it would be that you, irrespective of your age, should place human solidarity, the concern for the other, at the centre of the values by which you live.’
Lecture in Kliptown, Soweto, July 12, 2008.



Mandela: His Long Walk to Freedom

The Hoopla December 6, 2013

‘When a man has done what he considers to be his duty to his people and his country. He can rest in peace. I believe I have made that effort and that is, therefore, why I will sleep for the eternity.’
Nelson Mandela 1918-2013

Temporary Protection Visas are the wrong approach

The Australian Human Rights Commission is pleased to see that the motion to disallow the Migration Amendment (Temporary Protection Visas) Regulation 2013 was successful today. The Commission is of the view that refugees should be granted permanent protection visas,
‘Considering the negative impacts that Temporary Protection Visas had on refugees when they were used in Australia between 1999 and 2008, we have long been concerned that their reintroduction may lead to breaches of Australia’s international human rights obligations,’ Commission President, Professor Gillian Triggs said.
‘Specifically, we are concerned that the use of TPVs may breach Australia’s obligation not to discriminate against asylum seekers who arrive without a visa, as well as the obligation not to penalise asylum seekers on account of their unauthorised arrival when they are coming directly from a territory where their life or freedom was threatened.’
Professor Triggs said several studies have found that the uncertainty, insecurity and fears of repatriation associated with being granted only temporary protection through use of these visas can contribute to ongoing mental health problems for refugees.
As TPVs denied refugees the ability to sponsor family members to join them in Australia or to travel outside of Australia, they caused a great deal of suffering because people were separated from their family members for an indefinite period of time.
Professor Triggs said that last time TPVs were used, the restrictions on family reunion and overseas travel may have directly contributed to the increase in the number of family members, particularly women and children, risking their lives by making the boat journey to Australia. Additionally, the uncertainty and family separation in many cases compounded previous trauma suffered by people in their country of origin.
‘The bottom line is that we should be establishing humane or effective ways to integrate people who are in need of protection into the Australian community,’ Professor Triggs said. ‘Temporary Protection Visas in no way assist this purpose.’

Tony Abbott vows to circumvent Senate rejection of TPVs
Prime minister describes combined Labor-Greens veto as a ‘two finger salute to the voters of Australia'
Lenore Taylor and Daniel Hurst theguardian.com December 3, 2013

Sarah Hanson-Young moved the disallowance motion in the Senate on Monday night against the TPV regulations, saying TPVs led to 'dramatic, harmful and dangerous effects'. Photograph: Lukas Coch for Guardian Australia/AAP
Tony Abbott has vowed to circumvent the Senate’s rejection of the government’s proposed temporary protection visas, but has not yet said how he will do it.
Labor and the Greens combined in the Senate to veto the reintroduction of Howard-era temporary protection visas on Monday night, a move the prime minister described as a ‘two finger salute’ to the Australian people’s decision in the September election.
Abbott is vowing to keep the parliament sitting through Christmas until it passes the carbon tax and mining tax repeals, the increase to the debt ceiling and an as-yet-unspecified measure to enact the intent of the temporary protection visa law.
The government has also unveiled legislation to remove from the Department of Immigration and confer instead on the immigration minister, Scott Morrison, the power to make a determination in the case of people whose claim for asylum had been rejected but who would be in danger if returned to their home country.
In a press conference shortly before question time, Abbott said he would make an announcement ‘shortly’ about how the government would prevent the 33,000 asylum seekers already in Australia from ever achieving permanent residency…..
Greens senator Sarah Hanson-Young moved the disallowance motion in the Senate on Monday night, saying TPVs led to ‘dramatic, harmful and dangerous effects’.
‘We have had temporary protection visas before in this country and they were incredibly cruel, incredibly dangerous and created incredible suffering for the people they were imposed upon,’ Hanson-Young said.
‘Temporary protection visas under this government are for punishment's sake only. They are only being given to people who have already arrived in Australia. They have waited for years in immigration detention and then waited more years, perhaps on a bridging visa or in community detention, only to finally have their application for asylum assessed, be found to be genuine refugees and then be slapped with a temporary protection visa.’…..
Read more http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/dec/03/tony-abbott-vows-to-circumvent-senate-rejection-of-tpvs

‘Relief operations are no justification for increased presence of US troops’

– progressive groups
‘While we welcome all aid extended to our brothers and sisters in the Visayas, we don’t see the necessity of deploying missile cruisers and missile destroyers and, amphibious assault vehicles and other warships.’ – Cristina Palabay, Karapatan
Marya Salamat Bulatlat.com November 26, 2013
Two weeks after the strongest supertyphoon to make landfall pounded much of Central Philippines and neighboring countries, the number of dead Filipinos are estimated to reach as high as 7,000 (of which more than 5,400 have so far been confirmed), more than 14 million were displaced, about P24-billion ($558 million) worth of infrastructure and agriculture were destroyed, water and electricity services remain cut off in most places — and all these figures may still go higher as the reckoning is not yet over. Local government officials in the affected areas say it would take years to rebuild and rehabilitate. Frameworks for doing that are still being conceptualized as we write, with the United Nations slated to come up with a proposal.
To this day though, the basic and immediate need for relief is still to be addressed. According to peoples’ organizations whose members have been going to Eastern Visayas to distribute relief, conduct medical mission and help in rehabilitation efforts, some villages are being reached only now by aid. Bulatlat.com reporters noted that despite the heavy presence of able-bodied soldiers, cadavers and ruins still litter various areas, and only the roads and highways could be described as ‘clear’……..

US soldiers bring warships, warplanes, take control and command – officially until Nov 26 – of ‘Operation Damayan’ in storm-ravaged central Philippines (Photo by Pom Cahilog-Villanueva / bulatlat.com)
On top of the slow and seemingly controlled flow of relief to the victims (the Philippine military and the Department of Social Welfare have reportedly been taking steps to make sure that much of the relief and donations would first pass through them or are centralized to them), the Aquino government is further intensifying militarization in the storm-ravaged areas. The AFP website said that as of Nov. 16, there are ‘12,000 troops on the ground under the Central Command,’ aside from what it called as 3,400 ‘external troops’ and ‘follow on forces’ for augmentation, in Eastern Visayas.
Statements coming from the Communist Party of the Philippines, who claim to have guerrilla bases in the typhoon-ravaged areas and who has commanded its army, the New Peoples Army (NPA), to extend its ceasefire and prioritize rehabilitation work, condemned the Aquino government for continuing to undertake military offensives both in the storm-ravaged areas and in other parts of the Philippines…….
‘Justice and govt accountability, not US bases or more militarization’
‘What the aftermath of Yolanda shows is not the need for greater US military presence in the country, but the need for accountability from the Aquino government. We demand justice over this government’s criminal incompetence in handling Yolanda, not more US troops,’ said Elmer ‘Bong’ Labog, chairman of KMU……
Read more http://bulatlat.com/main/2013/11/26/relief-operations-are-no-justification-for-increased-presence-of-us-troops-progressive-groups/

Our politicians have failed yet again – it’s time we fixed the mess with Indonesia

25 November 2013, 6.00am AEST

Every so often over the last 50 years, Australia’s relations with Indonesia have hit stormy waters. The present tensions over the spying scandal may not be the most serious, but they are serious enough. Much Australian commentary on this latest unfortunate episode has been typically shallow – itself…

Author

Joseph Camilleri

Professor of International Relations at La Trobe University - Article from The Conversation 25 November 2013
.

Australia must develop a stable, close and mutually respectful relationship with Indonesia, its government, its leaders, and its people. EPA/Adi Weda.

Every so often over the last 50 years, Australia’s relations with Indonesia have hit stormy waters. The present tensions over the spying scandal may not be the most serious, but they are serious enough.

Much Australian commentary on this latest unfortunate episode has been typically shallow – itself a symptom of the underlying problem. Much has been said about the personalities involved, the implications for the government’s “stop the boats” policy, and the psychological impact of the release of the Snowden documents. But with a few notable exceptions, the most critical questions have been largely overlooked.

No doubt eavesdropping on foreign leaders - a questionable practice at the best of times - has been found wanting both in this specific case and in the many other cases involving the United States' wiretapping operations. A thorough review of such operations is well overdue.

However, the most pressing question raised by the spying fiasco is whether or not Australia is ready and able to develop a stable, close and mutually respectful relationship with Indonesia, its government, its leaders, and its people. How we answer this question will help determine how we negotiate the so-called Asian century. The key here, as we shall see, is cultural and political literacy.

In 1994, prime minister Paul Keating declared:

Prime minister Paul Keating recognised the importance of working closely with Indonesia. Idpercy.

No country is more important to Australia than Indonesia.

Twenty years later this remains a distant aspiration. Prime minister Tony Abbott, who glibly promised “more Jakarta, less Geneva”, now finds his government’s policies on Indonesia floundering barely two months into his prime ministership.

The tensions created by the spying episode are not simply of Abbott’s making. The previous Rudd and Gillard governments share a good deal of the responsibility – either they themselves authorised Australian spies to eavesdrop on Indonesia’s most senior leaders, or they failed to apply adequate monitoring and accountability procedures. Labor’s lame response to the events of the last week suggests they may be culpable on both counts.

This said, the Abbott government’s handling of the Indonesian relationship has been unusually clumsy and short-sighted.

Even before coming to office, the Coalition made it clear that stopping the boats was critical to protecting Australian sovereignty. Abbott and immigration minister Scott Morrison were adamant that the boats would be turned back to Indonesia, even though Indonesian leaders repeatedly said that such a step would violate their country’s sovereignty.

The clear inference of the Abbott strategy was that Australian sovereignty was somehow superior to Indonesian sovereignty, and that, if necessary, Australia would act alone.

This barely disguised cultural and moral arrogance was then reinforced by the way Abbott handled the spying row – not just refusing to apologise, but claiming that all countries were engaged in such conduct – a patently false claim. Most governments don’t eavesdrop on the conversations of foreign leaders.

To add insult to injury Abbott went on to insinuate that Indonesian leaders should be grateful to find themselves spied upon, because all of this was being done with their interests at heart. Australia, it seems, knew what was in Indonesia’s interests better than Indonesians did.

This profound cultural insensitivity was compounded by media comment (shared by a number of politicians) that Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s verbal response and his decision to downgrade military co-operation could somehow be discounted, because he was merely playing to his domestic gallery.

The Rudd and Gillard governments share a good deal of responsibility for Australian spies eavesdropping on Indonesian leaders. AAP/Eka Nickmatulhuda.

Such an interpretation can mean only one of two things: either the Indonesian president lacked sincerity in expressing his displeasure; or that popular anger within Indonesia was not in reality shared by the president, and could therefore be discounted. It is as if we were telling Indonesians it didn’t matter what they thought so long as we had the president on side. Not exactly how to win friends and influence people.

Where to from here? The relatively simple first step must be to offer Indonesia an unreserved apology and clear assurance that such spying will stop. But other more demanding steps will need to follow.

For too long, Liberal and Labor governments have approached our ties with Indonesia in a purely instrumental fashion. The relationship is viewed as valuable insofar as it can serve Australia’s immediate interests: access to Indonesia’s expanding market, support for counter-terrorism strategies and co-operation on people smuggling.

Australian economic aid thus becomes the price we have to pay for Indonesian compliance with Australian priorities. Likewise with military aid and support for Indonesia’s territorial integrity (including turning a blind eye to human rights violations in West Papua). We do these things largely because they make it more likely that Indonesia will accede to our requests and reduce the risk of any future Indonesian threat to Australia’s security.

It is time for Australia to adopt a different approach – one in which self-interest plays, and is seen to play, a less prominent role. We need to cultivate a deeper understanding of our neighbour’s interests, attitudes and perceptions, and a willingness to give them due attention.

What might this mean in practice? First and foremost, a drastic improvement in the presently abysmal level of Indonesia literacy in this country. Complementing the study of Indonesian - which has been languishing for years in our schools and universities - must be greater knowledge of Indonesian society, its history, its culture, its values, and above all its ancient and still living wisdom.

Australia and Indonesia are strategically placed to act collaboratively on a range of important regional issues. EPA/Made Nagi.

To this end, a ten-year nationwide strategy is needed, integrating all key stakeholders: educational institutions, federal and state governments, parliaments, the media, business and the professions.

Australia must also seek - as a matter of high priority - Indonesia’s advice and support in responding to the emerging regional and global challenges facing our region. To this end, we must embark on a far-reaching dialogue that engages the two societies, not just the two governments.

A time must come, sooner rather than later, when Australian political leaders are in the habit of consulting with Jakarta as intensively as with Washington before determining Australian policy on such difficult international issues as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Iran, Afghanistan, as well as global financial regulation, nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament.

In the meantime, Australia and Indonesia are strategically placed to act collaboratively on a range of important regional issues, notably maritime tensions in the South China Sea and the rapid and potentially destabilising arms build-up in southeast Asia.

The two countries are, of course, well-placed to exercise joint leadership in pressing for a regional solution to the protracted asylum seeker and refugee crisis based on firm and interlocking commitments for asylum, resettlement and repatriation.

Indonesia and Australia could greatly benefit from sharing their experiences as highly diverse, multicultural societies, and from developing the Asia-South Pacific profile of the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC). Under UNAOC auspices, a range of joint projects could be devised involving extensive state and civil society cooperation. The forthcoming sixth UNAOC global forum to be held in Bali in August 2014 offers an important signpost for future bilateral and regional collaboration.

Australians have to negotiate an uncertain future in which US power and influence will steadily decline. In the emerging multi-centric world, different centres of power and influence reflecting different histories and worldviews will have to learn to co-exist and co-operate. A creative, culturally sensitive, long-term approach to our relations with Indonesia may be an indispensable asset as we navigate though turbulent waters of change.

A JOINT APPEAL TO THE PRIME MINISTER ABOUT THE USE OF THE TERM ‘ILLEGAL MARITIME ARRIVALS’

5 November 2013

Dear Prime Minister,

On behalf of the many Australians who believe in the importance of protecting people fleeing persecution, we write to voice our objection to the Australian Government’s recent decision to refer to asylum seekers who enter Australia by boat as “illegal maritime arrivals”.

You and members of your Cabinet are well aware that seeking asylum is not illegal under Australian or international law. Article 31 of the Refugee Convention makes it clear that contracting states, including Australia, must not impose penalties on people who arrive without authorisation to seek refugee protection. This Article recognises that very few of the world’s refugees get the opportunity to cross borders with prior permission and that rules which regulate normal migration flows must be suspended where those crossing the border believe they have a well-founded fear of persecution.

The Refugee Convention was drafted in the aftermath of World War II as the world reflected in horror on the fate of people who had their paths blocked as they attempted to flee Nazi persecution in Europe. The fundamental principles of the Refugee Convention are as important today as they were when drafted in 1951. Nations which value freedom must ensure that those fearing persecution have the opportunity to get to a place of safety and have their cases for protection considered fairly.

When you were sworn in as Prime Minister, it was pleasing to hear you speak about your plans to govern for all Australians, to work for the good of the nation and to do your best not to leave anyone behind. You would be well aware, from your previous experience as a Minister, that the Australian community’s expectations of a Government are far higher than its expectations of an Opposition. A Government’s leadership – whether positive or negative –has a profound impact on the nation.

While some people may believe there is political value in engaging in negative rhetoric about asylum seekers arriving without valid visas, the long-term implications of this approach must be considered very carefully. We cannot see how the Government’s use of harsher rhetoric against people seeking asylum will assist Australia to remain a cohesive and diverse nation.

Like many Australians, we have grave concerns that legitimising the use of “illegal” in this context may incite fear and hatred in the community. Already aware of a disturbing number of acts of violence against asylum seekers this year, we are worried by the prospect of intolerant elements of Australian society being emboldened to increase their bullying of vulnerable new arrivals.

We are particularly concerned to hear that the Minister for Immigration and Border Protection instructed his Department to tell staff and contractors to use the term “illegal maritime arrivals” when referring to asylum seekers who arrived by boat. It is deeply disturbing that people of good conscience should be required, for political purposes, to use such dehumanising language.

While your Government continues to take a tougher line against asylum seekers, we note a shift in sentiment in Europe towards people fleeing by boat, illustrated by the decision of the Italian Government to declare a national day of mourning after the recent tragic loss of 366 lives at sea. We hope this small shift grows, reversing the strong trend over the past decade of wealthier nations pushing responsibility for the protection of refugees back to poorer nations. Pope Francis succinctly described this phenomenon when he visited Lampedusa in July and warned of a culture of comfort in which we become deaf to the cries of the suffering and part of a “globalisation of indifference”.

The Australian Government does have a choice. It can listen to the most strident voices in Australian society and implement its policies in a harsh and punitive manner or it can work towards its objectives in ways that place a much higher value on cooperation, diplomacy, respect and honesty. We ask you, for the sake of highly vulnerable people and for the good of our nation, to take the better path.

This letter is supported by the following organisations:


Refugee Council of Australia (letter coordinator)
ACT Council of Social Service Inc
ActionAid Australia
Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) Australia Ltd
Anglicare NT
ANGLICARE Sydney
Association for Services to Torture and Trauma Survivors (ASeTTS)
Asylum Seeker Resource Centre
Asylum Seekers Centre of NSW
Australian Catholic Migrant and Refugee Office
Australian Catholic Social Justice Council
Australian Council of Social Service
Australian Jewish Democratic Society
Australian Lawyers for Human Rights
Australian Lutheran World Service
Australian National Committee on Refugee Women
Australian Refugee Association Inc
Australia-Tamil Solidarity
Ballarat A.R.A. Circle of Friends
Ballarat Catholic Diocesan Social Justice Commission
Ballarat Community Health
Balmain for Refugees
Baptcare
Blue Mountains Refugee Support Group
B'nai B'rith Australia / New Zealand
Border Crossing Observatory
Bridge for Asylum Seekers Foundation
Brigidine Asylum Seekers Project
Brisbane Refugee and Asylum Seeker Support Network
Buddies Refugee Support Group, Sunshine Coast
Burmese Rohingya Community in Australia
Canberra Refugee Support
CASE for Refugees
Castlemaine Rural Australians for Refugees
Catholic Archdiocese of Melbourne, Office of Justice and Peace
Catholic Archdiocese of Sydney, Justice and Peace Office
Catholic Diocese of Maitland-Newcastle, Social Justice Council
Catholic Diocese of Parramatta, Social Justice Office
Catholic Diocese of Toowoomba, Social Justice Commission
Catholic Justice and Peace Commission, Archdiocese of Brisbane
Catholic Religious Australia
Catholic Social Services Australia
Centacare Catholic Family Services, Adelaide
Central Victorian Refugee Support Network
Centre for Human Rights Education, Curtin University
Centre for Refugee Research, University of NSW
Christian Brothers Tasmania
Coalition for Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Detainees (CARAD)
Communify Queensland
Companion House Assisting Survivors of Torture and Trauma
Darwin Asylum Seekers' Support and Advocacy Network
Diversitat
Doctors for Refugees
Edmund Rice Centre, Sydney
Edmund Rice Network Tasmania
Ethnic Communities' Council of Victoria
Faithful Companions of Jesus Sisters, Province of Asia-Australia
Federation of Ethnic Communities' Councils of Australia
Footscray Community Legal Centre
Friends of the Earth Australia
Geelong Refugee Action and Information Network
God's Dwelling Place Bethany City Church Inc
Good Shepherd Australia New Zealand
Horn of Africa Relief and Development Agency
House of Welcome Ballarat
Humanitarian Crisis Hub
Humanitarian Research Partners
Indo-China Refugee Association
Indooroopilly Uniting Church
Institute of Sisters of Mercy, Australia and Papua New Guinea
International Commission of Jurists Australia
International Society For Human Rights Australia Inc
Islamic Council of Victoria
Jesuit Refugee Service Australia
Jesuit Social Services
Jewish Aid Australia
Kommonground Inc
Lentara UnitingCare Asylum Seeker Program
Liverpool Women's Health Centre
Lutheran Church of Australia
Lutheran Community Care SA & NT
Marist Sisters
Melaleuca Refugee Centre Torture and Trauma Survivors Service of the NT
Melbourne Zen Group
Mercy Refugee Services (Mercy Works Ltd)
Migrant Resource Centre of South Australia (MRCSA)
Missionaries of the Sacred Heart
NSW Council for Civil Liberties
NSW Council of Social Service
NSW Teachers Federation
NT Council of Social Service
Oxfam Australia
Pax Christi Australia
Pax Christi Australia (NSW Branch)
Pax Christi Queensland
Pax Christi Victoria
Peace and Social Justice Network, Victoria Regional Meeting, Religious Society of Friends (Quakers)
Presentation People for Justice, Ballina
Presentation Sisters in Western Australia
Presentation Sisters Lismore
Presentation Sisters Queensland
Queenscliff Rural Australians for Refugees
Refugee Advice and Casework Service
Refugee Advocacy Network
Rural Australians for Refugees, Bendigo
Rural Australians for Refugees, Daylesford and District
Sanctuary Australia Foundation
SCALES Community Legal Centre
Settlement Council of Australia
Sisters of Charity of Australia
Sisters of Mercy, Brisbane Congregation
Sisters of the Good Samaritan
Society of Jesus (Jesuits)
Sophia's Spring, Uniting Church, East Brunswick
South Australian Council of Social Service
South Australian Refugee Health Network (SARHN)
St Anthony's Family Care
St Vincent de Paul Society, National Council of Australia
Surf Coast Rural Australians for Refugees
Survivors of Torture and Trauma Assistance and Rehabilitation Service (STTARS)
Sydney Multicultural Community Services Ltd
Tasmanian Asylum Seeker Support
Tasmanian Catholic Justice and Peace Commission
Tasmanian Council of Social Service
Townsville Multicultural Support Group
Union of Australian Women Victoria
Uniting Church in Australia, Northern Synod
Uniting Church in Australia, Queensland Synod
Uniting Church in Australia, Synod of Victoria and Tasmania
Uniting Church in Australia, Synod of Western Australia
Uniting Church SA
Uniting Justice Australia
Vietnamese Overseas Initiative for Conscience Empowerment (VOICE)
Welcome to Australia
Western Australian Council of Social Service
Western Sydney Community Forum
Wyndham Community and Education Centre
Wyndham Legal Service